Use of cookies
Cookies help us to provide our services. By using our website you agree that we can use cookies. Read more about our Privacy Policy and visit the following link: Privacy Policy
Schneider, Norbert F.; Diabaté, Sabine; Ruckdeschel, Kerstin (Eds.) (2015)
Beiträge zur Bevölkerungswissenschaft 48. Opladen, Berlin, Toronto: Barbara Budrich
What cultural guiding principles for family life exist in Germany? What is considered ‘normal’, desirable and deviant, and how do these ideas influence the process of family formation and family life? The contributions collected in this volume, which identify the diversity and contradiction of family models in Germany focus on these questions. So this book plays an important role in the cultural understanding of demographic processes. Recommendations for future research and family policy are derived from the results of the study in order to better meet the expectations of young people in Germany.
Detlev Lück & Sabine Diabaté
This article describes the theoretical approach of the concept of ‘leitbilder’ which forms the basis of the following articles. ‘Leitbild’ refers to a bundle of collectively shared, pictorial ideas of the ‘normal behaviour’, i.e. something desirable, societally desired and/or presumably widespread, i.e. something that is self-evident. Thus, leitbilder combine the characteristics of values, standards and frames. They are complex visualisations that serve as an orientation for people. Leitbilder may be found as personal models on an individual level, but they also exist as cultural models on the meso and macro levels, as they are intersubjectively divided and characteristic of a certain sort of group. A particular homogeneity is therefore to be expected in society as a whole; within certain social milieus, generations and regions, a gradual increase in homogeneity of individual leitbilder can be expected. Nonetheless, cultural leitbilder are not determined by the sum of individual leitbilder within a society, but they rather gain their own independent, socially reproduced reality by institutionalisation. Manifestations of cultural leitbilder that can be recorded by standardised survey instruments can be seen, among other things, in the statistical aggregation of individual leitbilder and in the individual perception of what the most widespread leitbild in society looks like.
Detlev Lück, Robert Naderi & Kerstin Ruckdeschel
The study of Familienleitbilder (FLB) conducted in 2012 collected personal and social principles (‘leitbilder’) in a standardised way. For this purpose, new items were designed which measure individual ideas of what family life usually or ideally looks like and which of them can be aggregated into leitbilder. In addition, an access was created to record social leitbilder in a standardised way. To this end, each respondent was asked to assess how ‘the general public’ would respond to the items that had previously been answered personally. In this sense, most items on a personal level were ‘mirrored’ for the societal level. The quality of the data was ensured by both various control measures and by preliminary and follow-up examinations. In the process, the concept has proven to be valid.
Nadine Gies & Dorothee Dietrich
This article gives a brief introduction to the theoretical background of the analysis of collective models and public opinion and to the methodological approach of the additional module implemented in the questionnaire to validate the construct ‘generality’. It is shown which sources of orientation underlie the collective family role models at all, and which factors have greatest significance. It is also of interest how individual groups of respondents differ from each other in their ideas and what personal characteristics have an impact on the response behaviour. The additional module of the BiB study “Familienleitbilder” not only provides information on which cultural and individual models of the family are common in society, but can also show the factors on which these ideal concepts depend on. All in all, from the respondents’ point of view, family models are influenced above all by people in the direct and further personal environment and are less oriented towards institutions.
Detlev Lück & Kerstin Ruckdeschel
With regard to the question of what is family, people have an essentially uniform and in its delimitation to the outside very heterogeneous perception. Based on predetermined lifestyles for which respondents in the 2012 FLB study were asked to indicate whether each one is a family, almost all respondents agree that a nuclear family, consisting of a heterosexual couple living together with children, is a family. The assessment of the other living arrangements seems to be based on their similarity to the nuclear family. However, for most people, many non-conventional living arrangements (i.e. those that differ from the nuclear family) are also regarded as families, especially when children live in them. Almost a third of people questioned consider each kind of cohabitation to be a family, even without children and without a marriage certificate. The rating varies according to the social situation of the respondents. Moreover, people tend to perceive the way of life in which they find themselves as a family rather than other people do.
Sabine Diabaté
This article presents evaluations obtained from the survey “Familienleitbilder in Deutschland” (family-related principles in Germany) and focuses on relationship-related ideal concepts. In detail, (a) the prevalence of certain ideas of a normal relationship among the younger German population, (b) the anticipation of social partnership norms and the divergences between anticipated societal and subjective individual ideas and (c) the correlation of subjective partnership ideas and the bundling to certain types of partnership models that can be derived from them by means of main component analyses are considered. The assumption that young people are more associative and have a rather optimistic image of partnership is confirmed. However, it is also shown that public opinion as a whole is perceived more conventionally and a more unstable pessimistic picture of partnership is seen in society. In addition, there are some ideas that are considered valid by many young adults, both individually and socially: For instance, according to the majority of respondents, people only find their happiness in firm and stable relationships. Among the young population, mutual love, fulfilled sexuality, individual freedom and financial security form a widespread value foundation of Leitbild components for a successful relationship. Relationship models could be identified which are referred to as associative-modern, fusion-oriented, bourgeois-conventional and marriage-rejecting unstable.
Robert Naderi
Perceptions of relationships at an individual level, whether one wants to be married or the preferences regarding the division of household chores, have undoubtedly not only taken shape through personal experience, but have also been institutionally socialised in various ways. The normative effect of religious belief, with which a person identifies, is particularly obvious here. In this article, the question is to be investigated to what extent the affiliation to a specific denomination or to none and the self-evaluated religiosity are related to personal attitudes towards various aspects of relationships. For this purpose, the survey on family models in Germany carried out by the BiB is analysed. Based on this idea is the thesis that, depending on religious affiliation and a more pronounced religiosity, traditional ideas of relationship are more common. For the analysis, different items were combined into an index and used as dependent variables in a logistic regression subsequent to dichotomization. The results show a correlation between role models in relationships and religiousness or denomination. The results also suggest that they are more significant than other important individual characteristics for explaining the shift towards a more traditional role model in relationships. Whether affiliation to a specific denomination or religiousness is more important depends on the respective denomination.
Jürgen Dorbritz & Sabine Diabaté
In Germany, childlessness has been at a very high level for some time. It is known that time, financial and structural problems contribute to fewer children being born. This article will examine which cultural models of childlessness exist and how they are related to various socio-structural factors. In addition to childbearing preferences, the reasons for childlessness and the social acceptance of childlessness were also investigated. It was established that childlessness is deemed accepted in Germany and that sanctions against childless persons do not find a majority. Despite of the widespread acceptance of childlessness, only a small group of 20 to 39-year-olds could be identified who had no children and no childbearing preferences. Two role models were found that explain childlessness in Germany from the respondents’ perspective: On the one hand, the role model of risk-avoiding parenthood which includes worries about not being able to meet sufficiently the needs of children, not being able to meet the high educational requirements and not being able to cope with the stresses of everyday life. On the other hand, there is the idea of self-governed childlessness. It underlines the self-determination and autonomy of childless people, who can enjoy their private freedom and concentrate on their professional career.
Jürgen Dorbritz & Kerstin Ruckdeschel
The demographic situation of families in Germany is characterised by later onset and thus an abbreviation of the reproductive phase of life, the renunciation of family formation or expanding and a still close connection between marriage and family expanding. In this demographic context, the following article examines the initiation and the courses of family formation based on the reasons for having children, the ideal number of children and the ideal age at birth of the first child. As a result, the guiding principle of having children as a matter of course was formulated, since despite all the discussions about the change of the family in Germany having children is still regarded as something completey normal. According to the ideal family size model, the ideal childbearing preferences which were identified exceed the value of two. The ideal desire to have children is limited by high personal demands on material security, which must be fulfilled in order to decide to have a child. This is why the model of materially secured parenthood was formulated on this basis. It is worth pointing out that the ideal age at childbirth is lower than the actual age at the birth of the first child. Early and late births prior to the age of 20 and after the age of 35 are hardly accepted. All in all, four types of families can be distinguished according to the requirements for material security of the formation of a family and the importance of the professional independence of women. While material demands directly reduce the desire to have children, a woman´s demand for professional independence is mediated through a higher ideal age for the formation of a family, which in turn reduces the desire to have children.
Katrin Schiefer & Robert Naderi
As the results and figures obtained from research on generative behaviour show, differences between East and West Germans can still be identified which, however, cannot necessarily only be attributed to the different regime traditions. Therefore the question arises as to which factors come into play in this context. It is assumed that, in addition to socio-economic framework conditions, the cultural influence on citizens also plays a role. The aim of this article is to study the cultural anchoring on the basis of the respective models regarding the importance of one's own children and presumed requirements for parenthood, and to compare these with other relevant variables on socialisation, partnership and the socio-economic situation. In this respect, childlessness in relation to parenthood is considered to be a particularly striking feature of the fertility differences between the old and the new ‘Länder’. The former is still more pronounced in the west, but the total fertility rate (TFR) is almost equally low in both regions. There are considerable differences between East and West, especially in the importance of own children and toddler care, with regard to the facets of guiding role models considered. Logistic regression models are used to examine the influence of family-related models on parenthood in comparison to other factors. The results prove, among others, that role models in western Germany have approximately the same explanatory power as individual socio-economic framework conditions – in eastern Germany they are more important than all other possible factors.
Sabine Diabaté, Kerstin Ruckdeschel, Jürgen Dorbritz & Linda Lux
In Germany, families with many children have become a shrinking group. The ways of looking at families with three or more children are ambivalent: On the one hand, from an individual point of view, many children are regarded as something quite wonderful. On the other hand, a negative image towards large families is perceived in society. This can be explained by high and sometimes overburdened expectations to the role of parents. This gives rise to fears of not being able to meet the individual and social demands of “ideal” parenthood, which could make the decision to form or expand a family more difficult. Couples with many children are also assumed to have not enough time and money for each of their children and thus violate the norms of the model of responsible parenthood. Three guiding role models perceived in society could be identified with regard to large families. The first was called the concept of distance towards families with many children. It includes a negative view of children, the attitude that several children should only have those who can afford it, the feeling that large families are “antisocial” and the idea that in large families the children do not receive appropriate attention. A second model expresses a mixed-sex sibling orientation. The intention is to have another child, since the first child should not remain an only child and the sibling should have a different sex, a son and heir is desired and/or the public reacts positively if girls and boys belong to a family. A third model corresponds to large families having positive connotations: many children are seen as something wonderful and the general public assumes that having children is deemed very important.
Kerstin Ruckdeschel
With a substantial presence, the role model of responsible parenthood shapes the perceptions of parenthood in Germany. On the one hand, this model includes the principle of support, i.e. children should be intensively accompanied as they grow up, thus, they do not grow up “on their own”. The dimension of this model meets with broad individual approval and is also frequently perceived in society. It connects the most diverse types of parents and is perceived as a social claim to parents. In summary, we can speak of a model that is strongly embedded in society. On the other hand, there is the rule of mothers being sacrificially close to their children, rejecting external care for children under three and demanding that their own needs be left behind those of the child. This model dimension differs both between individual and social levels and between single social subpopulations. The claims are perceived primarily as social expectations, which, however, are mostly rejected at the individual level. Parents who are mainly in favour of the principle of support represent the largest group, followed by parents who would also prefer childcare within the family to third-party childcare. The two extreme types, i.e. parents who have an extremely distant attitude towards the model of responsible parenthood and those who affirm it in all its aspects, are also well represented.
Sabine Diabaté
In empirical social research in Germany, maternal role models have rarely been examined. An analysis with quantitative and representative data has not yet been carried out. The aim of this article is to identify and describe maternal role models in Germany. Furthermore, it will be investigated which maternal role models exist on an individual and social level and how they are structured in terms of content. The results reflect the high quality demands on mothers, who should pursue both education (“care”) and “self-care” as central goals in life. At the same time, it also becomes clear that the guiding role model on motherhood that is generally perceived as predominant appears overburdened due to the contradiction and complexity of the requirements, especially in western Germany. In the main-component and index-based typing, four models on motherhood emerged which currently exist in Germany among the 20 to 39-year-olds. Two pure types were identified: the work- and child-oriented maternal role model and two mixed types, the moderate and the compatibility-oriented model. There was also a stronger child orientation among people living in West Germany. The most significant aspect is that the child- and work-oriented maternal role models are closely related to the life model of the respondents’ mothers. Among other things, the social systems (old versus new Länder) in which mothers were socialized and which affect the following generation of respondents seems to be the most significant factor.
Detlev Lück
Among the ideas of how a father should be, two guiding role models can be discovered: on the one hand, that of the “breadwinner of the family”, who takes responsibility for earning the household income and leaves the family work to the mother. This guiding role model is relevant at the social level: as an idea of what others think. Secondly, the role model of the “active father” can be identified, who reduces his gainful employment and actively participates in bringing up children. This is dominant in regard to personal role models. In addition, there is a relevant group that has assimilated both role models and is oriented towards reconciling work and family life. Irrespective of similar scales throughout society, particular father models are gradually more prevalent in certain parts of society. The model of the “active father” is particularly common in East Germany, in academic surroundings and among the non-confessionals; that of the “breadwinner of the family” is characteristic of women, the less educated, Protestants and religious people. The compatibility-oriented model is typical for men, the low-educated and Catholics. Basically, the model of the “active father” is associated with childless women and the compatibility-oriented model with childless men, who thus tend to overtax themselves. These characteristics hardly apply to fathers and mothers, so that a disillusion in the course of the formation of a family can be expected.
Sabine Diabaté, Detlev Lück & Norbert F. Schneider
There are many different ideas about how parenthood should ideally be shaped. The data from the study of Familienleitbilder (FLB) identified two role models on parenthood at individual and social level by using the main component analysis: At the core of the first model is the idea of a complementary gender role division of parents (model of complementary parent roles), combined with the rejection of third-party childcare. The other model is defined by the reduced professional commitment of the father with high demands on responsible parenthood (model of child-centred parenting). While the dissemination of parenthood models varies at the individual level in terms of social structure, these differences do not exist in the models that are perceived in society. With regard to both individual and social role models, the model based on a stronger paternal commitment in education is more prevalent. However, it should also be noted that role models on parenthood are ambivalent and inconsistent. Approximately half of the 20- to 39-year-olds agree either with both or none of the two role models. When it comes to comparing the model with the actual reality of life, there is a tendency for people to reconcile the model with the real shaping of parenthood. However, even a relevant part does not live according to its own role model.
Sabine Diabaté, Kerstin Ruckdeschel & Norbert F. Schneider
This article explains and summarises the theoretical cornerstones and main results of the study. Furthermore, the potentials and limits of role model research are discussed, especially with regard to the scientific explanation of generative actions and the shaping of family life. Finally, impulses for the political debate are derived from the findings. The study has shown that family relationships, relationships and own children are highly valued by most 20- to 39-year-olds and that there is broad recognition for the diverse lifestyles in Germany. Four key statements can be deduced from the results: (1) Plurality: There are predominant but no uniform models for many aspects of family life in society. (2) Discrepancy: The respondents perceive more conservative models in society than those they (would like to) pursue personally. (3) Mismatch: Parental role models and everyday practice are often conflicting. (4) Responsible parenthood: The model of “responsible parenthood“ increases the opportunity costs for parenthood, encourages a rejection of the external childcare, and thereby favours the postponement or even the rejection of family formation. In summary, this guiding role model provides an unfavourable impulse for birth development in Germany.